New Delhi, Oct 14 : Two months have passed since Bangladesh experienced its most significant mass movement, which resulted in the end of Sheikh Hasina's 15-year tenure. During this period, an interim government has been formed, led by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus as chief advisor.

A recent survey conducted by the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance (SIPG) at North South University reveals that 53 per cent of Bangladeshi voters prefer a shorter duration for the interim government. This government was established to facilitate effective management of state affairs, implement essential reforms, and ensure a smooth political transition through free and fair elections.

While the establishment of the interim government has garnered broad support from various political factions, the current political climate is evolving and fraught with numerous challenges. This raises the pertinent question: Is the initial popularity of the interim government waning?

The newly-formed body, praised for its impartial representation, consists of key advisors drawn from a diverse array of experts instead of political party affiliates.

These advisors face the formidable challenge of implementing reforms essential for state-building. The interim government has demonstrated its inclusive nature through several significant actions shortly after taking office.

Notable among these are the release of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia from house arrest, alongside her acquittal in all five cases against her, the decision to abolish 15 August (a day marked by mourning for the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman) as a public holiday, the lifting of the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), and the resignation of several key officials previously aligned with Hasina.

These actions are perceived as crucial steps to reverse the political choices made by the former Hasina administration.

Concurrently, Sheikh Hasina's party, the Awami League, is grappling with a political vacuum, confronting a severe legitimacy crisis, which explains their absence in the interim government.

Shortly after the establishment of the interim government, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir stated that the government would not have an "indefinite time for polls", signalling the party's demand for a swift election.

This call quickly culminated in a large protest rally in Dhaka, organised by the BNP, pressing the interim government to outline a timeline for the elections necessary for the country's democratic transition.

The crux of the disagreement lies in the interim government's focus on planning state reforms while failing to provide a clear framework for political transition, a responsibility also assigned to it. Muhammad Yunus has asserted that he will remain in power only as long as there is popular support for his interim government.

Consequently, there appears to be an escalating power struggle between the BNP and the interim government, accompanied by the BNP's increasing frustration towards the latter.

Post-Hasina Bangladesh has plunged into chaos, with a worsening economic crisis and escalating violence dominating the landscape. Following Hasina's fall, lawlessness has surged, targeting security officials, her supporters, and minority groups.

The vandalism of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's murals has become widespread, accompanied by rampant looting and arson. Within just two days of Hasina's departure, reports revealed that over 20 bodies of Awami League members were found scattered across the nation.

The plight of minorities, especially Hindus, has significantly deteriorated; from August 5 to 25, there were 1,068 documented communal attacks across 49 districts. Muhammad Yunus' recent call for Bangladeshi Hindus to pause their Durga Puja celebrations during prayer times underscores the rising tensions.

Numerous Durga Puja committees have received threats demanding a "tax" of five lakh Bangladeshi Taka ($4,200) to hold their festival, with severe repercussions for non-compliance. Furthermore, radical Islamic groups have ramped up their opposition to idol worship, exacerbating fears and insecurity among Bangladesh's Hindu population.

These events indicate that the interim government, despite prioritising state reforms, has struggled to enhance the law and order situation since August 5. To regain control over the escalating chaos, the interim administration has conferred magisterial powers upon the Bangladesh Army for a two-month period. Officials have expressed confidence that the military will not misuse this authority.

Army General Waker-uz-Rahman has also pledged unwavering support to the interim government. However, this reliance on military backing, particularly given Bangladesh's history of military coups, warrants careful scrutiny, as the nation cannot afford a recurrence of its troubled past.

The interim government is currently grappling with widespread protests from both political factions and minority groups, stemming from its perceived inefficacy, particularly regarding the dire circumstances faced by minorities.

The resurgence of ethnic violence against the indigenous tribal population in the hills, repeatedly with the Army's complicity, has reignited discussions surrounding indigenous rights.

The Anti-discrimination Hills Students' Movement has spearheaded protests against the interim government, presenting an eight-point agenda that includes demands for quotas for tribal representation, constitutional autonomy, and resolution of land disputes in line with the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord.

Furthermore, the interim government's dismissive response to reports of attacks on Hindus as "exaggerated" and "misleading" has sparked protests against Muhammad Yunus both domestically and internationally. In fact, Bangladeshi Hindus are now pushing for the establishment of a new political party to ensure their rights and security are adequately represented.

These developments underscore the growing distrust and dissatisfaction towards Muhammad Yunus and his interim administration among the populace.

Bangladesh is currently facing more challenges, particularly violent lawlessness, than the reforms proposed by the interim government.

The administration's failure to ensure safety for minorities while allowing radical Islamic groups to openly propagate hatred signifies a departure from the historic student protests that called for a new Bangladesh -- one that is inclusive, pluralistic, and grounded in social justice.

Repeated instances of persecution, coupled with the interim government's deliberate denial and inaction, have eroded its initial popularity. If the interim government persists in this manner, it is evident that Bangladesh's political transition is unlikely to be both democratic and peaceful.

/IANS